When Adults Act Petty and Puerile – Digesting SADTUs Mannya About Turn

by Nomalanga Mkhize

Songezo Zibi wrote this article on Sadtu’s incomprehensible about turn on Modidima Mannya’s firing and Angie Motshekga’s role in this http://www.fm.co.za/opinion/editorial/2013/03/14/a-litmus-test

His article was quite cutting; I felt it merited a response. In fact, it merits a whole national discussion.

As a rural child, I was brought up to believe that adults, especially elders who hold some leadership or social rank, are hardly ever wrong.

As we grew up, we were then taught how to politely point out to adults or elders when they had erred without explicitly humiliating them. I found it hilarious as a child when an adult who had been caught out would cheekily tell us – “umuntu omdala akaqambi amanga, ‘uyaphosisa'”.

This is a cornerstone of traditionalist societies – maintaining respect and decorum between the young and the senior.

This was back in the past of my childhood in the rural idylls of Mpumalanga and Pietermaritzburg where it felt like the universe of norms was relatively intact. Everybody knew their place and responsibility.

But I recall an incident which punctures my rose-tinted memories.

This is when a relative of mine who was a highly respected teacher practically dragged himself home, through the streets of the township, dirt streaks on his half unbuttoned white shirt, stomach exposed, zip and belt half undone, sopping drunk, incoherent. Cousins were dispatched to help him along. It was a painful sight for me, I was barely 5.

There are moments when adults can behave, in the full glare of the public, in ways that are so immature and so childish that one is just left feeling downright perplexed.

A week ago when I read the latest press statement by the executive of the South African Democratic Teachers Union I had such a feeling of complete disbelief.

As Zibi points out, the press statement, criticises Minister Motshekga for making public utterances that hinted at non-procedural dismissal of then Eastern Cape Education HOD Modidima Mannya.

Hawu. Hayibo. Kanti? Imani. Wait. A. Minute. No. Let’s wait two minutes, and reflect.

This is the SADTU that crippled Eastern Cape education for three weeks in 2012 to have Mannya unprocedurally fired.

On the ground, communities were scrambling to organise tutorials for panicked children. I was one of those people who got lots of phone calls from parents “Nomalanga, khawuncede, Nomalanga, abantwana, please”.

In my town of Grahamstown, SADTU officials went from meeting to meeting to explain to angry parents about why Mannya must go. At one meeting, tribalism even emerged as one union official said “He is not even one of us, he is from another ethnic group outside this province”.

Hawu. Ngavele ngaphelelwa amazwi. I was lost for words.

But let’s accept that was the ignorance of one person and not the culture of SADTU nationally. The parents at the meeting dismissed this tribalist sentiment immediately.

Those three weeks of the go-slow were some of the toughest three weeks for Eastern Cape education.

As citizen’s we got together and issued this letter to the local newspapers – in our anger and concern for the children – https://imfundo.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/letter.jpg

We were so angry we could not even bring ourselves to write the letter in English.

We needed to be clearly and properly understood.

Fast forward to March 2013. It is as if SADTU never had a role in the Mannya debacle. It is as if a debilitating go-slow never happened.

Do they take us for fools?

Perhaps, they do!

Or perhaps it may be worse, they are indifferent to pain they cause because they have become so stuck in their bad habits, so unable to reflect on their collective behaviour as seniors and elders.

Just like my drunk relative, rolling down the streets of the township, dignity all gone, family shame exposed.

16 SCHOOLS LOCKED-DOWN, 12 000 KIDS UNSCHOOLED, 0 LEADERSHIP FROM STATE

By Nomalanga Mkhize

Approximately 12 000 learners in the Eastern Cape have had their schools forcibly placed under lockdown by their parents over the past four weeks. Across Uitenhage, the P.E. Northern Areas, and even in Grahamstown we have seen these dramatic shutdowns. [See Herald http://www.peherald.com/news/article/12834.%5D

Gates are locked; no one may enter, at least not for educational purposes. In some schools, staff members who attempt to breach the lockdown may find themselves on the nasty side of angry parents.

And these parents are angry, very angry. Their children’s schools are under-funded; they have teacher/pupil ratios of on average 1:90. Children go to school and find themselves idling or unheard in huge classes where the teachers struggle to control them.

Discipline goes out of the window, teachers get gatvol, principals come close to nervous breakdowns, and the school life slowly disintegrates.

Under such conditions, would you keep sending your child to school? These parents have decided enough. Such schools have become unsafe environments.

In the discussions around the public education system in South Africa, there is often an uncritical moralism advocating for children to be ‘kept at school at all costs’, for ‘education to not be disrupted’, ‘children to be in classrooms at all times’.

This is because, as the narrative goes, education is the key to all our problems, schooling must never be disrupted – it is sacrosanct.

This position is understandable in a country where school is often disrupted for frivolous or unsound reasons, usually advanced by teacher union politics.

However, it is also a naïve view because there are times when schooling must be justifiably disrupted. This is when conditions can be considered abnormal or no longer conducive to learning. In the 1970s and 80s, the apartheid regime created such an inhumane environment within society as a whole.

Today, however, abnormality in human relations is often found in the local microcosm that is the public school itself. Abnormality is the norm, such that we now consider our schools with their litany of problems to be normal so long as they are not being burnt or stoned.

Yet, we know that much of what children experience in our public schools cannot in any way be considered normal. The problems are very well known, they need not be listed again here. The more destructive elements such as violence, rape, drug-trafficking are acknowledged, nobody denies their existence.

Less acknowledged, however, is the systematic erosion of children’s sense of self, dignity, and intellectual personhood that takes place as a result of going to schools which are badly run, severely under-resourced, overcrowded etc. Even without the gangsters, the drugs and the violence, attending a public school in South Africa can be a highly unpleasant daily experience.

For example, the problem of being a girl who is menstruating in a school with broken toilets and intermittent water service. Of being a child who has to hold it in or run to the bush because there are no ablutions of any kind. Of being that child that must learn to be physically aggressive because bullying is endemic in the school. Of being a boy who is socialised into a culture where male teachers routinely harass your female peers. Of being that girl who is being harassed.

This while the education administrators send their children to schools with freshly clipped hedges, trimmed green grass, pretty flowers, shady trees and a sense of routine, order and pride.

Schools have never been easy places for children, that is known. Teachers have been grumpy since time immemorial, and children learn to navigate that terrain in their own ways.

However, there is a minimum required for dignity; many of our public schools no longer offer dignity to our children.

Under these circumstances, parents are perfectly within their rights to lockdown schools and demand effective and urgent action from the state.

But, where has the state been as these over 12 000 children face this meltdown? Nowhere to be seen. There is absolutely not one figure of authority either in provincial or national government who has taken the public into their confidence to say – we are sorry your children are suffering, this is the plan, this is how we must walk forward with this mess.

In 2011 Minister Angie Motshekga instituted a constitutional take-over of the Eastern Cape education department. Frankly, it was a publicity stunt, an ill-informed crisis management strategy. The root causes of the problem – corruption, union politicking, tenderpreneurship in the department were not addressed.

Although the organisation I work for was sceptical of this now famous ‘Section 100’, we nevertheless compelled her to go to court to ensure that it would work. We were on weak footing because on paper, her lawyers insisted they had the means to make it work. But in real life, we knew their technical arguments were a joke.

Over 16 schools have shutdown, we await the promises of Section 100 to trickle down. The latest meltdown has been a long time coming, aren’t they always?

One usually ends off a piece like this with some kind of ‘should’ or ‘ought’.

But at this point, this is futile. There is nothing to be done or said as we watch these adults watch portions of the public schooling system break off and disintegrate.

No doubt schooling will be restored, but if I have the choice, the money, my child will never sit in a school that suffers these problems, and no child should have to.

You can find out more about the community education work I support at blog.sosac.org.za

The hard fight for education in a short-termist political culture.

by Nomalanga Mkhize

I have on several platforms articulated the view that argues that the true crisis in South  African education is not primarily one of “administrative dysfunction” or “curriculum chaos” or even  “policy paralysis”, but that it is a crisis of “purpose” and “value” within Black society at large.

Is education valuable? What sort of education is valuable?

What is the “opportunity cost” of pursuing a longer path to education instead of going straight into the job market?

These are important questions for everyone who is in some form of education, but most important for those whose families are in socio-economic hardship and for whom education is considered one path towards family financial stability.

Similar questions on the “value” of education have been raised by Prof Jonathan Jansen, Rector of the University of the Free State, in a speech  entitled “Seven Dangerous Shift in the Public Education Crisis” .

Reflecting on events in the Northern Cape which saw parents bar their kids from going to school because of local political grievance, he comments:

“I am asking a broader question: why would a community sacrifice the one route out of poverty for rural youth in a socially and economically oppressed community like Olifantshoek and other areas of the Northern Cape? There can be only one conclusion: that the value of education has lost all meaning for these rural communities.”

He further states:

“I have a sense that this negation of the value of education is spreading in the poorest communities of the country, and the reasons are many: the inability to keep enrolled students in school for reasons that include poor quality education; an unpredictable timetable; unreliable teaching; the shortage of basic resources (textbooks and basic science materials etc);the lack of responsiveness from local, provincial and national education authorities; and the visible lack of connection between education and economic well-being in local communities.”

In other words, as he goes on to conclude, and I agree with him – the public good that is education is so devalued in the eyes of South Africans, there is no collective social will, never mind political will from leaders, no social will in communities to truly rehabilitate and restore the schooling system. Instead, what South Africans are learning to value is private education, an alternative which most will never be able to afford.

There are deeper, more sociological questions one can ask about the value of education, relating to the jobs sector and what kind of education it actually respects (formal, experiential, technical, theoretical?) and also relating to confusing and conflicting trends in graduate unemployment.

However, that I shall deal with another day.

Let’s just focus on the question of “value” in the general social sense, the sense that Jansen invokes.

One of the strange experience that i confront in community education activism is the fact that I often feel like I have to persuade the community-at-large that education is important.

But it often becomes clear that my arguments do not wash. This is because these days, when people look around them in the Black community, the most “financially prominent” middle-class Black people are no longer, as it was in my day, the shopkeepers, the taxiowners, and teachers. No, these days it is the municipal councillors, the government directors, the mayors, the ministers etc — in short, the people who are either working for government or representing government.

In addition to these there’s another grouping – the new school wheelers and dealers, I don’t want to say “tenderpreneurs”, because many of them are decent business people. Either way, these are the people who know how to lobby and associate with politicians and state bureaucrats such that it results in them being favoured in state procurement. [I have no problem with this in principle].

Now, of course, many of these people have some level of education, a substantial portion have solid tertiary education.

However, what has become apparent is that this education plays a very marginal role in their successes in their ability to secure a job, a promotion, or a tender.

In and of itself, this is meaningless, education is a multifaceted creatured, one doesnt need to obtain it formally in a classroom.

But one can argue that there is something we can consider as an “educated mind”, one which applies itself according to what it has “learnt” in relation to that specific area of work. Whether that learning took place formally or informally.

The sense that one gets is that in these circles that are associated with access to state resources either by job or by tender, the “educated mind” , the mind which seeks to apply action on the basis of expertise rather than political directive, appears to be valuable in a functionalist sense, but not in the intrinsic sense. In fact, the “educatedness” of the mind seeking employment, appears to sometimes be incidental to the appointment.

Instead, what appears to be more important is whether and how the mind can be politically co-opted for partisan rather than policy ends.

The best is to keep quiet, do your job, which, if my friends working in government are anything to go by, also entails doing the jobs of those who were hired  in spite of their inability.

In our communities, where we all live together, drink together, commune, and on occasion fight each other we are keenly aware of the trends, because we see those we know enjoying the financial returns of political association.

The message we are given is that what counts in the game to get ahead, is political acumen, rather than a display of ability.

I have been thinking about this as I digest the reports on the alleged R200million price tag on renovations of the President’s personal house. What bothered me was not so much the price tag in and of itself, but the justifications by state officials who have labelled the criticism of this expenditure as being “disrespectful” of the Office of the President or just unwittingly “misplaced”.

There was an air of patronising dismissiveness in these response to the uproar as though citizens have no right to be outraged or critical on matters involving public expenditure!

In particular, public expenditure that in this case appears to have enriched the president personally by virtue of his home being refurbished with luxuries (astroturf is a luxury in my book).

And yet here we sit in a country where the majority of public schools have no libraries, no toilets, no electricity, no reliable water, no adequate playing fields, inadequate stocks of reading books and textbooks.

I was somewhat perplexed that state officials were angry that citizens were pointing this out. It almost seems that to them the fiscus is a rigid template and there can be no room for virement or transfer of funds from one thing to another. In another words, well, since this is allocated to the president in any case, what business do citizens have to demand that R200 mil instead be used on poor Black children!

But perhaps I thought, they have not yet had the common sense to see that the fiscus operates on a zero-sum basis, what is spent in area, has deprived another.

It struck me then that there it is almost futile to try and persuade communities that we need to revive a culture that produces “educated minds”, when it is apparent that even at the highest offices of state administration,  there is sometimes an absence of ethical and sensible reasoning when it comes to public expenditure, no display of “thoughtfulness” or “educatedness” and there are no real consequences for those state officials.

I #tweeted the following as I thought through this on my @NomalangaSA account:

– What a new generation, who will inherit this mess, what we must do, is articulate a model of how to exercise just, ethical, open leadership

– The generation before us, they were courageous, they taught us how to challenge power. We must teach them how to exercise power.

– The President is basically saying, show me respect by spending more money on me, not show me respect for being an honourable leader.

– Never underestimate the capacity of your leaders to lose common sense, along with the common touch.

– Er, African Presidents, if you would like houses that appear to be comparable to western heads of states, er, build comparable economies

– And yet, Mwalimu Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Thomas Sankara provided the alternative model. Presidents get simple cars, simple clothes. Qha.

Towards a Positive Black Image

By Unathi Kondile

I can, no longer
stomach South Africa’s media.

I can, no longer
click through the News24s.

I can, no longer
buy Sunday newspapers and all papers alike.

I can, no longer
subject myself to the sickness that resides therein.

I can, no longer.

Open any newspaper in this country and you will be confronted with corruption, crime, politicians and hoards of complaints; complaints ranging from the public right up to the editors themselves. Nothing else. And it’s the same thing over and over and over again.

Our news media – from print to broadcast – have become nothing but glorified masturbatoriums that will never impregnate society to do anything beyond the scope of stereotypes.

For how long will we continue to undermine how the media intentionally or unintentionally reinforces the negative stereotypes of this country?

For example:

What is the general image of blacks in South Africa’s media?

– They are largely criminals
– They are largely corrupt
– They are largely incompetent
– They are largely poor
– They are largely needy victims of self
– They are largely more than this list can accommodate

Of course the general image of whites in South Africa’s media is the exact opposite of the above.

Put simply: blacks are inherently inferior in how they are positioned and represented in the media. There’s a limited scope of expression and representation of blacks as humane, on par, equal, in the media. A media with a paucity of positive black models/images that go against pre-1994 stereotypes. The black South African’s image in the media is critical to how they are imagined by an other, and most importantly by themselves.

Take a look at news. If black people are always on the rampage, destroying things, stealing from state coffers and generally represented as social deviants with an inclination towards the worst – how do we suppose the black audience imagines itself? Tell people they are corrupt, corrupt, corrupt and it becomes common to such an extent that corruption doesn’t shock – owing to the extended desensitization to it, afforded to us by the media. Crime too is headed in this direction – we have become used to it, to such an extent that it no longer shocks. Black people dying is also another thing that has become deeply devoid of “another life gone!” – because of the rate at which such news fleet through our eyes and ears.

Just going back to the image of blacks in the media; it would seem that blacks are corrupt dumb savages with no moral GPS, if what our media serves us daily were to be examined closely.

Now, it becomes really easy to fall into the trap of saying, but the media mirrors society. It’s their job. These things are happening out there. Don’t blame the media, blame the people. Black people are like that, they are doing these things, they are corrupt etceteras – the media’s role is to provide accurate verbal, written and/or visual records.

They might teach journalism students the above paragraph in Media schools. But I am prepared to stand alone and say there is something horribly wrong in assuming such roles for journalism. Journalism, today, more than ever requires conscious journalists – not just empty vessels passing on news. It needs people and editors who’s main objectives surpass sales. We need human beings in newsrooms. Not those whinging morbidly depressing churnalists who are led by editors that were probably bullied in primary/high schools and are now venting their frustrations at anyone [read: government] who tries to control them.

Within the context of South Africa we cannot merely push accuracy in news or reflection of day-to-day actions without taking into account the audience’s understanding or what mental representation it stimulates. That would be to be irresponsible. So much so that you will now find people, like mam’ Mamphela Ramphele saying “That’s us! We are like that!” upon reflecting on the black’s image in the media. That, I am afraid, is the height of ignorance. We have somehow come to accept things as they are with scant regard for codes embedded therein, that leave no room for counter-schematic thought – thought that highlights that not all blacks are like that. “That’s us!” is not us. There are deeper areas we do not want to go into with regards to the media’s [mis]representation of the black image in South Africa. It’s very easy to show people news as they are, but seemingly hard to think about how this bodes for the national psyche. Our media convicts us in the confines of our past.

We need a thinking media.
We need a media attuned to the complexities of the societies they serve.
We need a media that is prepared to facilitate racial comity.
We need a media that is less commercially driven.
We need a media that doesn’t serve “imagined communities”, but Real Communities.

It is very easy to report. Very. Even a toddler can report on what they saw. If we limit ourselves to just reporting as we see it, we undermine conceptual and normative complexities of our times.

We need to think carefully about these things and submit ourselves to deeper self-critical awareness in our thinking. We cannot bumble about consuming information without understanding the side effects.

Taking the News pill, daily, comes with side effects that are not written on its packaging. No newspaper or broadcaster warns you that they are going to desensitize you or reinforce stereotypes in your head. None of them do.

And that’s the problem. We are not thinking on that level – on the level of images of one another that we have of one another in one another’s minds. Who reinforces and provides a steady stream of those images?

BLACK PARENTS AND EDUCATION – PART 1

by Nomalanga Mkhize

The silence of parents from ‘black’ townships over education in South Africa is striking.

Last week I was at the Grahamstown High Court talking to parents, teachers, pastors and school governing body members from schools in the Bethelsdorp, a formerly ‘coloured-only’ neighbour in Port Elizabeth. They were protesting teacher shortages in their schools.

There were about 30 of them who had taken time off work and travelled all the way to Grahamstown to make their ire known to Minister Motshekga and her department.

Inside the High Court, their lawyers were meeting Minister Motshekga’s legal team which was busy defending itself, once again, from court action compelling them to do their job properly. (These lawyers also represented us in the case we brought to compel Minister Motshekga to make sec. 100 intervention in the Eastern Cape work. She said it was working and our case was ‘ill-conceived’. The case was settled. For our part, we were pleased the Minister re-affirmed that she was in charge of Eastern Cape education. We know exactly where the buck stops now.)

The parents told me that in addition to teacher shortages, the temporary teachers they had in school employ were not being paid by the Department. The SGB was expected to pay for them!

In other words, not only was the department not providing the requisite number of staff according to the schools needs, but it was making the school pay for those they had managed to prevent from leaving. Teachers had lost their cars, were barely making ends meet because of the department had not paid them.

What struck me about the protest, and what has struck me in similar protests by citizens from formerly ‘coloured-only’ areas, is that that parents, pastors and community leaders led the protest – not the teachers and principals. (The group by no means only coloured, there were parents of all different backgrounds and languages, indeed, many ‘coloured’ schools are composed of at least 50% ‘black’ learners.)

In contrast, every protest that I have attended for schools in ‘black townships’, it is the teachers union SADTU leading, and the parents following behind.

In fact, if SADTU did not organise these protests against teacher shortages or whatever other grievance, onen wonders if parents in Black townships would ever make a collective showing on these critical issues.

Well, of course there have been cases where black parents organise and lead themselves to make their dissatisfaction on education matters heard . But this is very rare. (I refer specifically to the Eastern Cape here).

What is happening here? Parents in ‘coloured’ areas feel they can speak for themselves. Parents in ‘black’ areas do not.

I have spoken on various platforms about the class and power relations within black townships.

Parents in black townships tend to find themselves caught up in contradictory social and political relationships which cause them to be silent on education matters.

They may see themselves as being too poor to contest a school principal or teacher who is protected by a powerful union, specifically SADTU.

They may fear being seen to be a contrary voice in the community against people with strong political connections and ties, as many union heads have.

They may find themselves being ignored by education officials who are protected by the same union that protects teachers.

They may find themselves dealing with an SGB chair who is also a powerful political figure in the community, and by extension, powerfully connected to other elites such as teachers and principals.

In the ‘coloured’ townships however, power tends to be dispersed fairly evenly between different political parties and different teachers unions.

Churches in ex-‘coloured areas’ still occupy a powerful space in the politics of the community. Pastors are regularly involved in service delivery and socio-economic issues.

Clerical activism has become a thing of the past in black townships.

Should I say it? Yes, I think I will.

The political ‘in-betweenness’ of the coloured community since the end of apartheid is its most powerful advantage even though the discourse from disenchanted coloured citizens is that they are falling through the gap (the reality is, *all* working-class communities are falling through the gap; for every coloured community without services, we can find many ‘black’ ones without. That powerful coloured figures have been invisible in mainstream politics since the decline of the Mass Democratic Movement is however, a disquieting reality).

The ‘coloured’ community can make or break local governement and provincial elections in certain parts of the country, the DA and ANC know this well. There is a kind of power in
being part of ‘swing-vote’ community. Powerful unions cannot simply intimidate parents; principals still need buy-in from parents; pastors are still respected moral authorities entrusted to speak for citizens on community issues.

But black parents are not excused. Yes the unions, teachers, and other comrades in the community are powerful, but we are not excused.

End of Part 1

.

Mother Tongue Teaching in EC

In an effort to improve the standard of education, the Eastern Cape is the first province
in the country to move towards implementing mother tongue-based teaching, learning
and assessment in the foundation phases.

Already 74 primary schools in the Cofimvaba district have adopted the model, which is envisaged to be rolled out in the other 22 education districts in the province.

This week language experts, subject advisers, education officials, members of parliament and officials from the office of premier Noxolo Kiviet met for a two-day workshop at the Stirling Education Leadership Institute in East London to craft a standardized dictionary to be used for maths, science and technology at schools.

Xhosa textbooks, other than the normal English-worded material, will be provided to pupils. Children in the foundation phases (Grades 1 to 3) in the district are also to write their Annual National Assessment (ANA) exams this year in Xhosa.

Last year, Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga released the country’s ANA results for foundation and intermediate phases (Grades 4 to 6) in the country.

Literacy and numeracy tests were conducted at a total of 164 schools in the Eastern Cape – and the results proved poor.

Grade 3 pupils scored 39% in literacy and 40% in maths, while Grade 6 pupils scored lower, managing only 29% in both subjects. Eastern Cape education department language policy manager Naledi Mbudeshale, who is driving the project, said the move by the district would improve the ANA results.

“I know that there are some fears that children will not know English and that these children will not have a bright future and there will not be a space for them at higher institutions of learning but these are untrue and unfounded,”
said Mbudeshale.

“These children are going to be taught English, but they will learn other subjects in their mothertongue. English will be just a resource subject.”

Mbudeshale said the Cofimvaba district had offered to teach the children in Xhosa because children were battling to understand their subjects in English. The bilingual approach would still be implemented, but Xhosa would be used as the first language instead of English.

She plans to present a report on the matter to education MEC Mandla Makupula and acting superintendent-general Mthunywa Ngonzo. It would then be handed to the Bhisho legislature.

Mbudeshale said publishers would be consulted to write books
based on standardised concepts. The department’s deputy director-
general of institutional operations management, Sithembele Zibi said the move would improve the standard of education. “It’s time to reclaim our status. In the past we were ahead compared to other provinces. We used to offer education to children coming from other provinces. Now we are behind,” said Zibi. “We have a challenge of shortages of teachers and those who are skilled in these subjects. Maybe this is the way to go and will ultimately lead to the improvement of matric results.”

The project comes as the ANC in the Eastern Cape attempts to push for children to be taught in their mother tongue and vernacular languages across the country.

The province has already had its policy proposal to have Xhosa speaking children in the Eastern Cape taught in their mother tongue accepted at the party’s national policy conference last month.

ANC provincial spokesman Mlibo Qoboshiyane confirmed that there were
plans to discuss the implementation of mother tongue education to the
other provinces at the party’s elective conference in Mangaung in
December.

Qoboshiyane said about 90% of the subjects were currently taught in
English and children whose first language is not English were battling
to understand lessons.

He said the proposal had received a lot of support from academics and
researchers from universities in the province. “What we were
advocating [at the recent conference] was the establishment of an
African Language Institute.

“This was accepted by the plenary of the policy conference so we can
have more educators of language[s] we are talking about.

“We said these steps must be taken to ensure that the second phase of
our transition respects our mother tongue. There was a total
acceptance of our proposal” said Qoboshiyane.

The following report first appeared in the Saturday Dispatch (14/07/2012), written by its education reporter – Msindisi Fengu.